In the annals of history, the cannabis debate has woven a tapestry of contrasting viewpoints and societal norms. As we explore the nuances of this ancient debate, we journey back to the 19th century in Poona, where differing perspectives on cannabis use ignited fervent discussions.
The year 1844 marked the establishment of the “Paramahansa Mandali,” a clandestine socio-religious society formed by young native men. Their mission aimed at abolishing caste distinctions and introducing reforms to Hinduism. However, this progressive endeavor stirred unease among orthodox Hindus who feared the implications of such changes.
Among the prominent opponents of the “Mandali” was Ramkrishna Anant Joshi, a teacher known for his work with sex workers and their children. In 1851, Joshi authored a fourteen-page tract critiquing the society, highlighting his concerns about caste abolishment and the introduction of Western education. He further accused the “Mandali” members of corrupting young minds through the propagation of Western influences and the indulgence in intoxicating substances.
The debate surrounding cannabis use was a central element of this discourse. Joshi claimed that students at the Elphinstone Institution, due to their exposure to European instructors, were gradually transformed, developing a taste for intoxicants like bhang and ganja. He argued that this eventually led to a desire for stronger substances, such as brandy.
In contrast, the editor of the Marathi newspaper “Prabhakar” staunchly refuted Joshi’s claims. This anonymous reviewer asserted that he personally knew many “Mandali” members who displayed no signs of cannabis addiction. He defended the society, stating that if any members were indeed entangled in such vices, he would support their expulsion from the caste.
Cannabis use in India dates back to ancient times, and its trade and consumption were not systematically regulated or taxed by pre-colonial Indian authorities. However, with the advent of colonial rule, the British East India Company, facing financial challenges, turned to excise taxation on substances like liquor, opium, and cannabis to boost revenues in the 1850s.
The Bombay Abkari Act of 1878 formally classified “intoxicating drugs” to include “ganja, bhang, and every preparation and admixture of the same, and every intoxicating drink or substance prepared from hemp, grain, or any other material not included in the term liquor.”
In Bombay and Poona, cannabis products commonly available included “ganja,” “bhang,” “charas,” “majum,” “yakuti,” “shrikhand,” “penda,” and “bojah.” Ganja referred to the hemp plant’s flowers, while bhang consisted of dried hemp leaves and spices, often diluted in milk or water for consumption.
Indian leaders, including those from Poona, were critical of the Abkari Act for normalizing and legitimizing cannabis consumption. This opposition manifested in the findings of The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, established in 1893-94. The commission’s report featured testimonies from various experts, including medical practitioners from Poona.
Dr. Vishram Ramji Gholay, Dr. Ganesh Krishna Garde (a newspaper owner), Dr. Bhikaji Amrut Chobhe, and Dr. JC Lisboa provided valuable insights into cannabis consumption patterns in Poona. According to their testimonies, ganja was recommended for medicinal purposes by both native and European doctors in Poona.
Furthermore, the testimony revealed that the poorer Hindu and Muslim classes, who lacked access to alternative medicines, used cannabis to aid digestion, and laborers occasionally consumed it to enhance their ability to withstand strenuous work.
Interestingly, various cannabis preparations were identified, each with its unique purpose and characteristics. “Majum,” “yakuti,” “gulkand,” and “shrikhand” were consumed primarily as aphrodisiacs by individuals seeking sensual pleasure or relief from conditions like diarrhea, indigestion, or lethargy. The preparation process involved extracting the narcotic properties of ganja through boiling and combining it with various spices and other ingredients.
Cannabis consumption was not limited to smoking; it extended to edible forms, often favored by the wealthy. “Bojah,” an intoxicating drink prepared from sorghum, served as an alternative to hemp-based products.
One variety, “yakuti,” was particularly popular among both Hindus and Muslims. While Muslims purchased it from shops, Hindus typically prepared it at home, following a specific recipe that combined various spices, herbs, and honey.
Despite the Abkari Act’s attempts to regulate and tax cannabis, its use in Poona and Bombay persisted, with licensed shops selling intoxicating drugs. The aggregate annual consumption of these substances was estimated at three tonnes in Poona.
The cultural significance of cannabis in Poona was evident in the diverse methods of consumption. Ganja was mixed with tobacco for smoking, while bhang was transformed into a sweet and spiced drink known as “ghota.” Four varieties of ganja-based confectionery – “majum,” “yakuti,” “gulkand,” and “shrikhand” – catered to different preferences and occasions, each prepared with its unique blend of spices and ingredients.
Despite varying opinions on cannabis, its role in the lives of Poona’s residents was multifaceted. Whether for medicinal, recreational, or ritual purposes, cannabis held a place in the city’s cultural and social fabric.
The debate surrounding cannabis in Poona serves as a historical snapshot of the complex interplay between tradition, colonial rule, and evolving societal norms. It highlights the diversity of perspectives on a substance that has been intertwined with Indian culture for centuries.
